



The new mainland Chinese arrivals have been highly educated, many of whom studied overseas, and have integrated differently into the local community compared to earlier generations. Experts have noted that previous waves of mainland talent had ties to the city through friends and relatives, whereas newer arrivals have come from all over China and have formed their own community. While the influx of mainland professionals has been welcomed by employers in Hong Kong, concerns have been raised about the lack of diversity and the potential competition for jobs with local residents.
It remains to be seen whether the newly arrived mainlanders will remain in Hong Kong for the long term. The city’s demographic composition is changing, and if levels of Western expatriates do not return to pre-pandemic levels, it could have a significant impact on the diversity and vibrancy of Hong Kong society.


Re: China’s Forcible Repatriation of North Korean Refugees
Dear President Xi Jinping,
We are writing to express our concern about the resumption of forcible returns of North Koreans detained in the People’s Republic of China to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea), which had stopped since the start of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020. We are concerned regarding news of North Korea’s border reopening, with the registration of around 200 athletes, coaches and officials to attend the 19th Asian Games in Hangzhou, China (23 September to 8 October 2023),[1] and your government’s resumption of forcible repatriations of reportedly 2,000 North Koreans detained in China.[2]
The 2014 United Nations Commission of Inquiry on human rights in the DPRK (DPRK COI) found that the North Korean government committed crimes against humanity against persons forcibly repatriated from China.[3] According to the DPRK COI, North Koreans who flee their country are at risk of torture, sexual and gender-based violence, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance and even execution and forced abortion and infanticide upon their forcible repatriation.[4] However, China, which is a party to the UN Refugee Convention and Protocol and the Convention against Torture, which codify the principle of non-refoulement, continues to arbitrarily detain and hold North Korean escapees waiting for North Korea’s border opening to forcibly return them.[5]
The DPRK COI recommended “China and other States” to “respect the principle of non-refoulement” and “abstain from forcibly repatriating any persons to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, unless the treatment there, as verified by international human rights monitors, markedly improves.”[6] There has been no documentation of such improvement of treatment in North Korea. On 16 December 2013, the DPRK COI wrote a letter to Beijing summarizing its “concerns relating to China’s policy and practice of forced repatriation of DPRK citizens [including] particular concern about Chinese officials providing specific information on such persons to DPRK authorities,” and urging Beijing to “caution relevant officials that such conduct could amount to the aiding and abetting of crimes against humanity where repatriations and information exchanges are specifically directed towards or have the purpose of facilitating the commission of crimes against humanity in the DPRK.”[7]
However, China’s policy and practice of forced repatriation of North Koreans has continued since then. During the height of the Covid-19 pandemic, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea; the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment sent a letter to Beijing bringing to its attention information concerning “the arrest, detention and threat of repatriation of at least 1,170 individuals of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) in China, who have been arrested and detained for over a year since the borders between the DPRK and China were shut in January 2020 due to COVID-19 concerns”.[8] The letter also referred to information that “on 14 July 2021, [the Chinese government] repatriated over 50 individuals of the DPRK who had been detained over a year in Shenyang”.
At a conference entitled “Actions to Tackle Forced Repatriation of North Korean Escapees in China” held in Seoul on September 7, 2023, James Heenan, the Representative of OHCHR Seoul, stated that: “Credible reports suggest a large number of North Koreans have been reportedly detained by Chinese authorities [over the] last three years but whom the DPRK would not accept back into the country due to the border closure and other COVID-19 prevention measures. As the DPRK begins to reopen its borders, these individuals could be repatriated at any time. For those that do not wish to return, the repatriation would be forcible”.[9]
The UN Special Procedures, including the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, and treaty bodies, especially the Committee against Torture and Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, have repeatedly called upon China to respect the principle of non-refoulement for North Korean escapees.[10] Various countries have made the same recommendations to China during its Universal Periodic Reviews.[11]
China claims to address North Korean escapees in accordance with China’s domestic law, international law and humanitarian principles. However, China has failed to institute the “screening process” for North Korean asylum seekers or to provide them with “temporary identity certificates issued by public security organs” under article 46 of the Exit and Entry Administration Law, enacted in 2012.[12]
China justifies the deportation of North Koreans under the bilateral treaties with North Korea such as the Bilateral Agreement on Mutual Cooperation for the Maintenance of State Safety and Social Order (July 1998), which provides in article 4(1) that those “who do not hold legal documents or have used a crossing point not specified in the documents will be treated as illegal border crossers” and in article 4(2) that “[i]llegal border crossers will be returned to the other side with information on their identity and specific situation.” However, such bilateral treaties cannot enable the forced return of North Korean refugees in violation of the principle of non-refoulement under article 33 of the Refugee Convention and article 3 of the Torture Convention.
Moreover, any humanitarian consideration should result in the granting of a legal status for the North Korean escapees and the stopping of their deportations back to North Korea where torture, sexual and gender-based violence, forced abortion, imprisonment in brutal labor camps and even executions await them. We note that the UN Refugee Agency in 2004 categorized North Korean escapees in China as “persons of concern” meriting humanitarian protection and proposed that China create a special humanitarian status for them to provide them with temporary documentation, access to services, and repeatedly called for protection against refoulement.[13]
The official slogan of the 19th Asian Games Hangzhou 2022 is “Heart to Heart, @Future.” As Martin Luther King, Jr. said, we will not only win our freedom for ourselves, we will so appeal to your heart and conscience that we will win you in the process, and our victory will be a double victory. In this regard, we urge you to officially end the policy of forcible repatriation of North Korean escapees and to implement the procedure for the individualized determination of refugee status.
Thank you.
Sincerely,
Signature organizations and individuals (as of September 21, 2023):
Individuals
David Alton
Independent Crossbench Member of the House of Lords & Co-chair of the All Party Parliamentary Group on North Korea
Sonja Biserko
Former Commission of Inquiry (COI) member on the situation of human rights in the DPRK & current chair at the Helsinki Human Rights Committee in Serbia
Roberta Cohen
Co-Chair Emeritus of the Committee for Human Rights in North Korea (HRNK)
Marzuki Darusman
Former UN Special Rapporteur/Commission on Inquiry (COI) member on the situation of human rights in the DPRK
Lee Yanghee
Former UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar & Former Chairperson of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child
Tomás Ojea-Quintana
Former UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the DPRK
Suzanne Scholte
Seoul Peace Prize Recipient & President of Defense Forum Foundation (USA)
Organizations
ACAT - Belgique (Action des Chrétiens pour l’Abolition de la Torture)
ACAT - France (Action des chrétiens pour l’abolition de la torture)
ACAT Germany (Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture)
ACAT UK (Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture)
Advocates for Human Rights
Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network (ADPAN)
Asian Federation Against Involuntary Disappearances (AFAD)
Asociación Pro-Búsqueda de Niñas y Niños Desaparecidos
Association of Family Members of the Disappeared
Balay Alternative Legal Advocates for Development in Mindanaw, Inc. (BALAOD Mindanaw)
Centro para la Apertura y el Desarrollo de América Latina (CADAL)
Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW)
Citizens’ Alliance for North Korean Human Rights (NKHR)
Commission for Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS)
Committee for Human Rights in North Korea (HRNK)
Death Penalty Focus
Disarmament and Non-Violence
Federal Association of Vietnamese Refugees in the Federal Republic of Germany
Families of the Disappeared (FoD)
Free Jonas Burgos Movement
German Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty (GCADP)
HanVoice
Human Rights Hub
Human Rights Watch (HRW)
Human Rights Without Frontiers (HRWF)
Ikatan Keluarga Orang Hilang Indonesia (IKOHI)
International Coalition Against Enforced Disappearances (ICAED)
International Coalition to Stop Crimes against Humanity in North Korea (ICNK)
International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex (ILGA) Asia
Italian Federation for Human Rights (FIDU - Federazione Italiana Diritti Umani)
Judicial Reform Foundation (JRF)
Karapatan Alliance Philippines (KARAPATAN)
Korean War POW Family Association
Legal Literacy
Madres de Plaza de Mayo - Línea Fundadora
Network for North Korean Democracy and Human Rights (NKnet)
Non-Violence International
North Korea Freedom Coalition (NKFC)
Peace and Hope International
Safeguard Defenders
Save North Korea
Stepping Stone
Taiwan Alliance to End the Death Penalty (TAEDP)
THINK
Transitional Justice Working Group (TJWG)
UK All-Party Parliamentary Group on North Korea
Viet Tan
World Coalition Against the Death Penalty (WCADP)
[1] Kyodo News, “North Korea eyes sending 200-strong delegation to Asian Games in China”, May 13, 2023, North Korea eyes sending 200-strong delegation to Asian Games in China (accessed September 5, 2023).
[2] Report of the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the DPRK to the General Assembly (October 13, 2022), A/77/522, para. 9 (“The Special Rapporteur has received information that as many as 2,000 escapees from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea are currently detained in China as “illegal migrants” and are at risk of being repatriated to their country once the border reopens.”), A/77/522 (accessed September 5, 2023).
[3] Report of the detailed findings of the commission of inquiry on human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (7 February 2014), A/HRC/25/CRP.1, para. 1098-1114, https://undocs.org/A/HRC/25/CRP.1 (accessed September 5, 2023).
[4] Id., paras. 380-434.
[5] Id., paras. 435-477.
[6] Id., para. 1221(a).
[7] Id., para. 1197.
[8] Joint allegation letter to China by Tomás Ojea Quintana, Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea; Miriam Estrada-Castillo, Vice-Chair of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention; and Nils Melzer, Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, JAL CHN 8/2021, August 23, 2021, https://spcommreports.ohchr.org/TMResultsBase/DownLoadPublicCommunicationFile?gId=26571 (accessed September 5, 2023).
[9] Ha Chae-rim, “UN Human Rights Office Head Says “North Korean escapees in danger of torture if repatriated to North Korea; China should not forcibly repatriate” [유엔인권사무소장 “탈북민 북송시 고문위험…中, 강제송환 안돼”]”, Yonhap News, September 7, 2023 [in Korean], 유엔인권사무소장 "탈북민 북송시 고문위험…中, 강제송환 안돼" | 연합뉴스 (accessed September 10, 2023).
[10] Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, Concluding observations on the ninth periodic report of China (May 31, 2023), CEDAW/C/CHN/CO/9, para. 29, CEDAW/C/CHN/CO/9 (accessed September 5, 2023); Committee against Torture, Concluding observations on the fifth periodic report of China (February 3, 2016), CAT/C/CHN/CO/5, paras. 46-48, CAT/C/CHN/CO/5 (accessed September 5, 2023); Committee against Torture, Concluding observations on the fourth periodic report of China (December 12, 2008), CAT/C/CHN/CO/4, para. 26, CAT/C/CHN/CO/4 (accessed September 5, 2023).
[11] Report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review: China (including Hong Kong, China and Macao, China) (December 4, 2013), A/HRC/25/5, paras. 186.66, 186.241, 186.242 and 186.243, A/HRC/25/5 (accessed September 5, 2023).
[12] Exit and Entry Administration Law of the People’s Republic of China (Adopted at the 27th meeting of the Standing Committee of the Eleventh National People’s Congress on June 30, 2012), http://english.www.gov.cn/archive/laws\_regulations/2014/09/22/content\_281474988553532.htm (accessed September 5, 2023).
[13] The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), Press Release, UNHCR chief calls on states to respect non-refoulement after North Koreans deported from Laos, May 30, 2013, https://www.unhcr.org/news/news-releases/unhcr-chief-calls-states-respect-non-refoulement-afternorth-koreans-deported (accessed September 7, 2023); Shin Hyon-hee, “UNHCR ups efforts to protect N.K. defectors,” Korea Herald, March 2, 2014, UNHCR ups efforts to protect N.K. defectors (accessed September 7, 2023).







So far, ASEAN has been moving to develop governance and strategies for AI, though at a relatively slow pace and with more input from some nations over others. Among ASEAN’s 10 members, only Singapore is positioning itself as an AI leader. Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei, Vietnam, and the Philippines are all embracing AI but have yet to do much in the way of concrete strategy or regulation. For ASEAN’s lower middle-income members – Myanmar, Cambodia, and Laos – AI is far from an urgent priority, as poverty and internal conflicts demand attention.
Despite these differences, it will be important for ASEAN to coordinate among its members to develop guidelines and frameworks to advance the opportunities of AI while minimizing the risks. Specifically, ASEAN leaders should focus on three areas where AI is set to have a big impact on the region: geopolitics, economic growth, and sustainable development.
In terms of geopolitics, AI could end up bringing ASEAN members closer to China at the expense of the United States. Despite the recent state visit by President Biden, Beijing has been more aggressive in leveraging the technology to create new opportunities for cooperation in the region. Six years ago, Beijing declared its objective to become the world’s “AI superpower” by 2030. Part of that plan involves greater investment and engagement with ASEAN members. AI has been a focus of the Digital Silk Road initiative, in which China invests in the digital economies of countries including Thailand and Malaysia.
Recently, Beijing has launched a variety of AI-themed collaborations with ASEAN, including innovation centers, competitions, and summits. Earlier this year, the Wall Street Journal reported that Chinese tech giants Alibaba, Huawei, and Tencent planned to invest hundreds of millions of dollars to build data centers in Southeast Asian countries in part for AI applications. Analysts expect ASEAN will increasingly become a “testing ground” for consumer AI tools and technologies developed by Chinese companies.
By contrast, the U.S. has made fewer investments and pledges of cooperation. Digital cooperation was a priority in the 2021 ASEAN-US Summit, from which an ASEAN-US Leaders’ Statement on Digital Development included a commitment to “exchanging views and best practices on the design, development and deployment of AI, and promote partnerships for AI research and development, while supporting capacity building activities on the responsible use of AI.” However, even after President Biden’s visit to Vietnam, relatively few concrete plans and investments have emerged.
As a bloc, ASEAN should be careful to consider the risks of siding too heavily with China versus the U.S. on AI. For instance, the technology could enable Beijing greater access to information and data that could compromise national security and sovereignty.
For the second area, economic growth, AI could help ASEAN members more rapidly develop their largely manufacturing- and agriculture-dependent economies. The adoption of AI tools in logistics, human resources management, and other business processes, as well as in the education sector, could be especially impactful. According to the US-ASEAN Business Council, AI could add $1 trillion to the GDP of Southeast Asia by 2030, an 18 percent increase. One-third of that growth is expected to come in Indonesia, the largest economy in ASEAN.
At the same time, AI might displace workers and cause social disruptions. These risks are especially high for the business process outsourcing industry, in which many Southeast Asian workers are employed. For instance, in the Philippines, outsourcing accounts for 7.5 percent of the country’s GDP. As chatbots and other generative AI tools enable companies to replace customer service agents in call centers, one report suggested that in the Philippines some 1.6 million employees could face dislocation. It will be crucial for policy makers in ASEAN to prepare for such scenarios by prioritizing investments in social safety nets, workforce retraining, and other programs that could address worker displacement.
Finally, ASEAN should make full use of AI tools to help advance Sustainable Development Goals. Two areas in particular are natural disaster management and food security. ASEAN countries are on the frontlines of climate change, already enduring the impacts of worsening storms, more frequent floods, and rising temperatures. The metropolises of Jakarta, Bangkok, and Ho Chi Minh City are all threatened by rising sea levels, with the latter expected to be underwater by 2050.
AI tools could be vital for natural disaster warning and response systems. They could help forecast the path of tropical cyclones and anticipate, identify, and classify damages, as well as plan delivery routes and funding requirements for response and recovery. Especially in ASEAN’s lower-income members that are highly dependent on agriculture, AI could help predict adverse weather and improve crop yields.
For all of these areas and others, ASEAN should play a role in helping its members manage risks and capture opportunities from AI. The group should create a more dedicated coordination body of policy makers and technologists that can set overarching frameworks and advise members on regulations and implementation. If managed wisely, AI could help the region develop, while at the same time preserving both external and internal security.

